<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?><xml><records><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MANAGING TERRORISM IN AFRICA</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">autonomous political platform</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">corruption index</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">terroristic groups</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2021</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">June/2021</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2021/450-1624470642.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">16</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Despite the different interpretations on the origins and a possible way to manage the Islamic terrorism in Africa, a thing is clear: this phenomenon gained importance in the last few years. Data of ACLED show that in 2015 Africa registered 381 attacks, which resulted in 1.394 fatalities; five years later the number increased to 7.108 attacks and 12.519 fatalities (Mroszczyk &amp; Abrahms, 2021). It is not difficult to deduce that Islamic terrorism was not managed appropriately by the African States. It is the case of countries as Nigeria with Boko Haram, Somalia with Al-Shabaab, Mozambique with Ansar-al-Sunna, with links with the Central African Province of the Islamic State.</style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editorial</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4-6</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Charles Torres</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE RISK MANAGEMENT OF ISLAMIC TERRORISM IN A FRAGILE STATE: THE CASE OF MOZAMBIQUE</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Cabo Delgado Province</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Mozambican State</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">religious extremism</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">risk prevention</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2020</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">June/2020</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2020/450-1591180485.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">15</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Islamic terrorism has been a serious threat for Eastern and Southern Africa since the 1990s. Many of these African countries have developed different forms of struggle against Islamic terrorism, from a military intervention to social policies, in order to improve the general socio-economic conditions for society as a whole. In Mozambique, no specific measure was adopted to cope the diffusion of terrorism, leaving that radicalized forms of Islamism spread in particular in Cabo Delgado, a Northern Province bordering with Tanzania. Research aimed at approaching Islamic terrorism in Cabo Delgado according to the strategy of risk prevention and risk management by Mozambican State. This study demonstrates that during the second term of Guebuza as a Chief of State, Mozambique had to face three different, potential threats. Nevertheless, Mozambican government identified two of these threats as a priority (namely Somali piracy in Mozambique Channel and Renamo´s action), neglecting possible Islamic terrorist attacks in Cabo Delgado Province. This study demonstrates – using privileged witnesses as well as open sources available in the public sphere - that this choice was typical of a fragile and authoritarian State. Firstly, it was not based on an objective risk analysis, but on political as well as on patrimonial interests of political elite, and secondly local civil society could not oppose any resistance. This choice allowed radical Islamic groups to grow undisturbed in Cabo Delgado, until carrying out violent attacks from October 2017, which Mozambican government seems unable to counter until today.</style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Original article</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9-22</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Marc Jacquinet</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MANAGING SUSTAINABILITY: THE ROLE OF MULTINATIONAL CORPORATIONS IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">corporate social responsibility</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">local communities</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">technology institutions</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">June/2019</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2019/450-1562410447.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Multinational corporations and international business practices as well as international investment are considered important elements for the diffusion of new modes of production,  namely through a flow of cleaner production and new management practices such as corporate social responsibility (CSR). This view is lacking consistency and is not buttressed on strong empirical evidence. The positive driver of environmental sustainability is probably not international business and trade but strong and good institutions. The focus here is on four limitations: the context of the private firms and corporations, the workings of complex organizations, the technology and the right institutions that buttress the global, national and local contexts, taking as concrete examples some specific cases from the Global South, as Mozambique. The article concludes that these aspects have to be considered and contrasted to the technological and management solutions for sustainability.</style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Original article</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">42-53</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">WHEN PUBLIC MANAGING FAILS. THE HOUSING QUESTION IN EUROPE</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Airbnb</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">commercial logic</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">European public authorities</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">quasi-monopoly</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2019</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">June/2019</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2019/450-1562410186.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">14</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">If one seeks to rent a house for spending some months in a European city, or just some days on holiday, an aspect becomes immediately clear: the quasi-monopoly of an on-line platform, which proposes interesting and innovative solutions, from an entire apartment to a single room.
This on-line platform is Airbnb, created in 2007 in San Francisco and which in 2009 assumed the current denomination. Airbnb operates in 200 countries and about 8.100 cities, launching 5 million announcements yearly and hosting – through its associated structures – about 300 million people per year (Rubino, 2018), having reached in 2018 the target of 500 million people (AIRBNB, 2019). 
</style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editorial</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4-8</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Rui da Maia</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">MANAGING THE RISK OF VIOLATING HUMAN RIGHTS UNDER INDUSTRIAL RESETTLEMENT PROGRAMS</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">human rights</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">international organizations</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">mass resettlements</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">December/2017</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2017/450-1515833345.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The purpose of this reflection is understanding what approaches towards human rights are applied in the case of industrial resettlement programs, and, to investigate what policy could be employed to better protect rights of people who experienced un-voluntary relocation event caused by industrial pressure in the context of Sub-Saharan Africa. </style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editorial</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">90-93</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">RISK MANAGEMENT AND RISK COMMUNICATION IN MOZAMBIQUE: THE CASE OF ARMS AND AMMUNITION DEPOTS OF MALHAZINE</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">confidentiality</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">local authorities</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Malhazine</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">military storage</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2017</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">December/2017</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2017/450-1515833414.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">12</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Risk management and risk communication affect everybody’s daily life. Local authorities have the duty to manage public structures, to inform civilians of the risks coming from these structures, to implement prophylaxis procedures. Military storage sites are fully included in this category. This article presents – through a qualitative methodology based on risk analysis – how risk management and communication in weapons and ammunition warehouses is managed in a “partially free” country, using as a case-study, the Malhazine depot in Mozambique, which resulted in more than 100 deaths. In 2007, an extraordinary accident related to the management of obsolete conventional weapons occurred at the Malazhine warehouse.  In this circumstance, the Mozambican Government adopted a policy of classifying the information “highly confidential”. This policy aimed at obscuring facts and responsibilities by hiding the causes of such a huge tragedy. This article concludes with the consideration that a high level of confidentiality in treating issues of public interest, such as the one kept in regard to Malhazine, does not help public authorities to effectively manage and prevent similar risks from occurring again, with resulting negative impacts on local populations.</style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Original article</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">94-105</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE MANAGEMENT OF LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL MINORITIES IN A NATIONAL STATE</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">constitutional principles</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">equilibrated politics</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">linguistic minorities</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">management of individuals</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2016</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">June/2016</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2016/450-1468166368.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">11</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">The management of individuals or communities different from the prevalent religious, ethnic, linguistic, political or sexual groups has always been one of the most problematic issues faced by national States. The liberal conception of State privileges individual in detriment of collective entities as a subject of right, excluding a priori community rights. Historical linguistic groups represent one of the most ancient and complicated questions for testing the capacity of a National State to manage domestic differences, since they have been seen as a threat to the process of unification and nationalization of the masses and individualization of the right. </style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">1</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editorial</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">4-7</style></section></record><record><source-app name="Biblio" version="7.x">Drupal-Biblio</source-app><ref-type>17</ref-type><contributors><authors><author><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Luca Bussotti</style></author></authors></contributors><titles><title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">THE RISKS OF CURRENT POLITICAL RISK MANAGEMENT</style></title><secondary-title><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Problems of Management in the 21st Century</style></secondary-title></titles><keywords><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Developing Countries</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">political risk</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">political risk assessment</style></keyword><keyword><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">strategic choice</style></keyword></keywords><dates><year><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">2014</style></year><pub-dates><date><style  face="normal" font="default" size="100%">December/2014</style></date></pub-dates></dates><urls><web-urls><url><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">http://oaji.net/articles/2014/450-1420576681.pdf</style></url></web-urls></urls><volume><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">9</style></volume><pages><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Continuous</style></pages><language><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">eng</style></language><abstract><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Political risk is a concept traditionally related, on the one hand, to the rational calculation of risk in economic activities and, on the other, to a particular historical moment in which it has taken on the characteristics of an autonomous research field. Risk calculation and the management of lucrative activities have illustrious precedents. At the beginning of the 20th century, Max Weber pointed out the necessity to forecast all the possible risks that come from non-economic factors (such as bureaucracy, uncertainty of law and administrative procedures, and so on) before carrying out an economic investment leading to profit (Weber, 1968). However, the actual starting point of a science, related to the management of political risk, dates back to the 1960s (Sottilotta, 2013). The historical context in which this shift occurred can be found in the Cold War and the decolonization era. </style></abstract><issue><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">3</style></issue><work-type><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">Editorial</style></work-type><section><style face="normal" font="default" size="100%">170-172</style></section></record></records></xml>